A new package of EU sanctions against Russia refutes complaints about internal rifts.
The unity of the peoples of Europe is like the French souffle. At first it is loose and light, but inexorably begins to “settle” after the dish is tested by time and cutlery. Both the diplomat and the gourmet are beginning to wonder whether it was worth cooking all this. Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24 prompted Europe to unite. In its role, the EU has become a model of geopolitical power, albeit with risks in mind. As expected, after 100 days of the Russian war against Ukraine this unity looks somewhat broken. Intra-European strife has resumed and is now quite loud. But what sounds like a serious dispute should be interpreted according to European standards. With this in mind, the continental unity of Europe is doing quite well, writes The Economist.
Europe has more potential gaps than national dishes. To put it simply, during past crises, divisions have often occurred between northerners who are outraged that they are being forced to pay for increasingly expensive European projects – rescue measures, stimulus packages, etc. – and “wasteful” southerners. However, for Ukraine, the main rift was between east and west.
Proponents of austerity in Eastern Europe, especially in Poland and the Baltic states, fear that anything but a clear defeat in the Russian invasion will prompt Kremlin leader Vladimir Putin to attack them. In their eyes, the traditional forces that dominate the EU show a lack of strength to support a neighbor under attack. France, Germany and Italy, they mutter, are confident of the threat facing Europe and are more willing to talk to Putin than to oppose him.
Some criticism of the Old Europe trio is justified. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz has occasionally stated that Putin should not win, or sounds like a desperate pacifist.
“Is it possible to fight violence with violence?” – Scholz thought recently.
Germany's promises to provide weapons to Ukraine were not always accompanied by real supplies. France sent an advanced set into battle, but President Emmanuel Macron also warned that Russia should not be humiliated. Macron uses war to promote his idea of ”strategic autonomy for Europe” (that is, a Europe that is less dependent on America).
Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi has urged Europeans to step up pressure on Russia rather than indulge in cheap energy-saving air conditioners, while Russian oil exports to Italy have actually increased and some Italian companies have complied with the Kremlin's demands for payment. energy in rubles.
All three leaders periodically call for a ceasefire. Proponents of a tough policy, on the other hand, believe that this would mean agreeing to Putin's theft of Ukrainian territory and giving his forces the opportunity to regroup and attack again.
Worse, Scholz, Macron, and Draghi regularly have telephone conversations with Putin, which their opponents ridicule as senseless, counterproductive, or almost treacherous. None of them have yet been to Kyiv, a city visited by Eastern European leaders (and British Prime Minister Boris Johnson) while the capital was still hit by rocket attacks. Of the major Western European powers, only Italy has openly insisted that Ukraine become a candidate for EU membership, which the bloc's eastern countries are eager for.
Read also: EU leaders have argued over whether to call Putin Minister of EstoniaThese rifts are not far-fetched, even if some of the accusations against the “old guard” look vague. Reports that Italy sought to isolate its exports of luxury goods to Russia from sanctions proved absurd (and Draghi used the pedantry of his central banker to develop painful sanctions against Russia's foreign exchange reserves).
The accusations that Macron tried to push Ukraine to give up part of the territory for the sake of peace look just as vague, as he has repeatedly made it clear that he is talking to Putin on the instructions of Ukraine.
Germany was the least successful in evading criticism. But “good analysts” say that a major overhaul of foreign and defense policy, known as the Zeitenwende, which includes an increase in funding of 100 billion euros ($ 107 billion) for the German armed forces, will never work in one night.
More importantly, harsh rhetoric within the EU does not block cooperation. Where this is important, Europe has shown unity. On May 30, at their fourth meeting since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, European leaders agreed on tougher sanctions against Russia.
The sixth package of sanctions included an embargo on most Russian crude oil imports. The sanctions were delayed for several weeks, not because France or Italy opposed it, but because the Putin-friendly regime in Hungary played tough, threatening to veto everything.
Hungary depends on Russian oil, which is supplied through pipelines. The country has won an exemption from sanctions against oil from pipelines. Like any EU policy, oil sanctions would not be taken seriously, let alone passed, without the support of the largest countries. Also, 9 billion euros of financial aid to Ukraine would not have been mobilized without the consent of the three largest contributions to the club's budget.
A lot of empty chatter
Europe tends to look more complex than it really is. Democracy is always noisy, and the union of 27 democracies is even bigger. Leaders who attack each other on the European stage often play to the domestic audience, forgetting that their neighbors also have domestic policies.
Every time Draghi publicly advocates arms supplies to Ukraine, he is said to be at political risk: the League of the North and the Five Star Movement, the two largest parties supporting his fragile coalition, are adamantly opposed. In Eastern Europe, where the public is willing to go into their own pockets when asked to donate money to buy weapons to beat the Russians, political leaders do not lose support when they make harsh statements.
How long will the unity last? The obvious next step for the EU would be to impose sanctions on Russian gas, which the Kremlin will try to redirect to other customers, but which European consumers (not least Germany) will also try to replace. At present, this possibility seems remote, but, again, a few weeks ago, the prospect of the now-imposed oil embargo seemed weak. As the struggle to prevent Russia from biting off its neighbors continues, European unity will be tested further. But for now, the EU's unity seems to be holding.
Read also: Biden said the United States and the EU are discussing a condition under which the purchase of Russian oil will still be possible. And what about the embargo?
EU leaders have finally agreed to ban the import of most oil from Russia , unblocking the sixth package of sanctions aimed at reducing the Kremlin's ability to finance a brutal war against Ukraine.
not a perfect solution came too late. It includes numerous concessions that stretch performance over time and meet all of Hungary's requirements. Sanctions against Russian gas remain out of the question. However, new oil embargo arrangements are still an important step. This was reported by Bloomberg, proposing to consider, first of all, the shortcomings of the EU decision .
